The outcome of that bilateral meeting might have been behind the postponement of Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s visit to Washington. No new date has been set, as reports suggest, as Sisi refuses to hold a meeting with Palestinian displacement on the agenda. The countries concerned by Trump’s proposal are trying to buy time to allow for an Arab initiative in response to his plan presented and discussed by an Arab delegation after the Riyadh Summit on the 20th of February and the emergency summit in Cairo on the 27th.

 

Trump’s policy of explosive shocks (from considering Canada the 51st state to imposing tariffs on US partners, to threatening to seize the Panama Canal, take Greenland from Denmark, and displace the Palestinians) has disappointed many politicians and citizens in the region who had initially welcomed the Republicans' return to power and the Democrats' defeat.

 

Indeed, the Biden administration offered unequivocal support to Israel in its war on Gaza. Despite Israel’s unjustified brutality, the war resulted in Iran’s expulsion from the Levant, crushed its non-state proxies, brought down the Assad regime in Syria (forcing its Russian ally’s retreat), and allowed Lebanon to begin restoring its constitutional institutions. Biden also pushed for a two-state solution with the support of the Europeans.

 

The Arab world is worried that Trump’s positions could undo all the changes we have seen in Gaza, Syria, and Lebanon, allowing Iran to return through the window after being thrown out the front door. It could do so by exploiting Palestinian rights with a new call to arms: the forced displacement of two million people.

 

In addition, Trump’s approach risks straining Arab-American relations at a time when it would not serve anyone, especially tensions with Washington’s closest partners, the countries would underpin any balanced regional security project. It also threatens to paralyze the Abraham Accords, which, according to Trump himself, were supposed to bring lasting peace and stability to the region.

 

While treating ethnic cleansing and the erasure of an entire people as a normal course of action is extremely dangerous, there are two aspects of Trump’s proposal that Arabs could potentially benefit from. First, he has removed Israel from the equation, framing the matter as a US concern. This could open the door to discussing an Arab-led initiative without Israel being directly involved, limiting its influence on Gaza's reconstruction and the Arab-American partnership.

 

Second, in his own way, Trump has also brought the political dimension of this issue back to the fore after it had been largely absent during and after the war in Gaza. The "day after" and its implications are now up for discussion: the plight of two million Palestinians, the fate of Gaza as a whole, and the future of the West Bank, which continues to endure a slower version of the war on Gaza.

 

The success of the anticipated Arab initiative in response to Trump’s proposal depends on several key factors. Chief among them are Arab unity and strategically leveraging our political and economic influence and international alliances. This initiative is unlikely to abandon the historical principles of upholding Palestinian rights and rejecting displacement. It must present a creative alternative to Trump’s plan based on an Arab-American collaboration to reconstruct Gaza and provide assistance to Palestinians in both Gaza and the West Bank. This effort would entail revitalizing the Palestinian national authority with fresh leadership and a renewed focus on the two-state solution.

 

There is no doubt that hinting at the collapse of the Abraham Accords, so dear to Trump, would carry significant weight. The global economic influence of Arab states and their commitment to their national and regional interests will also be pivotal.

 

Additionally, we must capitalize on and exploit domestic discontent with Trump’s policies and actions, among both his Republican supporters and his Democratic and independent opponents. This discontent goes beyond the Palestinian issue, and we have seen outrage over a whole host of political, economic, and social decisions that have already been made or planned. Moreover, the initiative should make use of international support and sympathy, particularly from Washington’s European allies, who strongly oppose Trump’s supremacist approach on multiple fronts.

 

The United States is a nation of institutions. The Arab initiative, to the extent that it is viable and innovative, will inevitably spark domestic debates and discussions. If Trump truly deserves his reputation as a "man of self-interest," then he will have to consider the repercussions for his interests if the Arab states, particularly the Gulf countries, make it clear that they will not give up on their national interests and security. Such a crisis would expose the US to unnecessary pain, in addition to jeopardizing all the strategic gains it has made in the region following the wars in Gaza and Lebanon and the fall of the Assad regime.